I would like to take this opportunity to get in touch with you and to update you on a number of exciting developments in the MA in Diversity and the Media programme. 

We, at the University of Westminster, together with our partner, the Media Diversity Institute, a leading NGO working to encourage the practice of inclusive journalism have been working hard to provide our students a unique and rewarding learning experience for 2013/14.

Our highly innovative course will give students the opportunity to study and research the main ways in which social scientists analyze the role of the mass media in the social construction, representation and understanding of difference and social diversity and get a critical understanding of the social and media structures and journalistic practices that impact upon these processes.

The course combines a portfolio of theory modules aimed to develop knowledge and critical understanding of the processes of managing and making sense of cultural diversity, key issues in intercultural communication and of various aspects of the sociology of news with a number of practice-oriented modules intended to give students first hand experience in the practice of inclusive journalism.

We have been preparing a programme of exciting visits to various institutions relevant to the course and a host of guest talks from expert academics and practitioners to complement lectures and seminars. In addition to the programme of studies, we work hard to ensure that students are offered opportunities to gain valuable experience with media and NGOs whose work is relevant to their programme of studies and enhances their employability after graduation. 

We have therefore established partnerships with TAG International Development, a not for profit organization specializing in communication and development projects in a number of African and Asian countries, the UK-based Prisma/The Multicultural Newspaper, MediaWise, a media project developing public awareness and sensitivity towards disability and discrimination, and Pearson Media Internships which offer paid or unpaid internships that give students the opportunity to work in the UK or overseas or to contribute to the production of media content. In addition, students are encouraged to contribute to the Media Diversity Institute Blog and other similar outlets to showcase their projects or cover a particular issue they are interested in.

You can check the Media Diversity Institute website for more information on their involvement in the programme here.

In the past our students have gained invaluable experience by participating in the Pearson Diversity Summer Internship Programme and other similar schemes and we intend to extend even more opportunities in the coming year. We place particular importance to such opportunities as these help students to build upon their academic and practical work and further develop the skills that will enable them to embark on their chosen careers.

Finally, the Open Society Foundation, the University of Westminster and the Swedish International Development Agency in conjunction with the MDI are offering a limited number of dedicated scholarships and fee waivers for MA in Diversity and the Media students only. Although these represent limited opportunities, I would ask you to have a look at them or pass the information on to anybody who might be interested. For more details, please check 

• for general information 
• our Open Society Foundation scholarships 
• MDI/SIDA scholarship for Egyptian students (please notice we are hoping to enhance the current scholarship by adding free accommodation to the fee waiver we are currently offering - subject to confirmation).

For those interested in applying for the course, please follow this link. If you have any questions please get in touch and we will be happy to

Words of Women from the Egyptian Revolution

I felt it was important to dedicate a note to the Words of Women from the Egyptian Revolution project which sheds light on, and documents the participation of women in the Egyptian revolution. Although the Egyptian middle class is over-represented in the women interviewed, the sheer diversity of outlooks, lifestyles and pathways to taking part in the protests and the movement that surrounds them reveals the complexity of the social dynamics in Egypt today. And, more importantly, the voices of the women interviewed are voices of determination, courage, steadfastness and resilience, yet, at the same time, they are voices of ordinary people, simple, devoid of bravado and pretense. This is a worthy project that explores the encounter of the mundane and the trivial with the heroic, that injects the experiences of ordinary women in a male-dominated collective memory. And although  the enunciators are women, their testimonies capture the plebeian, vernacular character of the protests that shook Egypt and whose ripples reached other Arab societies and even neighbouring Israel regardless the gender of the participants.

Each short video is effectively a "profile" of each woman: her life/work before the revolution, her participation in the revolution and where she and her work stand today. The project as a whole, as well as its individual components provides a valuable insight to the experiences of women from diverse backgrounds and constitutes a rare resource for those interested in the recent and ongoing protests in the Arab world and, of course, the participation of women in them.

All videos are in Arabic with English and Spanish subtitles (if one clicks the subtitle button). 

  follow the project watch the videos 

Social Diversity and the Arab Spring: Egypt a year after

Reflecting about the passing of a year since Egypt’s popular uprising that eventually led to the end of the rule of the Mubarak political dynasty one can read signs that are typical of the trajectory of the Arab Spring throughout the Middle East and North Africa. It is commonplace to say that the loosening of Mubarak’s hold to power has been largely symbolic as the military and several forces inextricably linked to the ancien régime continue to dominate the political system of the country. True, voices that had only no or limited political expression before January 2011 have been propelled to the political arena: The Muslim Brotherhood is gently flexing its newly found political muscles as is the new Salafist Party. Other secular and liberal forces have also found expression in a polyphonic and complex political arena.

However, the expression of the considerable social and cultural diversity of this complex society has brought with it numerous challenges. The Islamic political forces are treading carefully when it comes to issues such as women’s rights but, still, have often articulated their social conservatism within a discourse of women’s rights. “Empowering” women in this context is often construed by party cadres and activists as “liberating” women from “alien” habits and compulsions. This is becoming visible in the domestic sphere as recent debates on female circumcision indicate.

Another area that has been affected by the transition relates to the relations between Egypt’s majority Sunni Muslim community and its sizeable Coptic Christian minority. Already in the early days of the uprising, the regime saw in intercommunal conflict  a potent destabilizing factor. Although many commentators hurried to dismiss the tensions, the fact remains that the coexistence between the two communities has always been premised on fine and precarious balancing. As new social and political forces will strive for popular support they are likely to turn “difference” into “antagonism” and diversity into threat.     

Another challenge that will increasingly need addressing is the urgent need to integrate an increasingly vocipherous younger generation into the political system and the economic fabric of the country. Affected by both disenfranchisement and chronic unemployment, Egypt’s youth has been at the forefront of the country’s incomplete political transition and has invested a lot in change, a transformation of Egyptian society that has yet to come. From the barricades and the demonstrations to the realm of the social media, this highly diverse demographic group is increasingly gaining a voice and expressing its frustration. What is also interesting is that the visions of a new Egypt and the voice of this new generation of citizens have been largely articulated and taken shape through the use of the new media.

Despite socioeconomic disparities young people of diverse backgrounds have proved literate in the use of new media: the majority resorted to cellular phones while many used very effectively social media such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, blogs against a disproportionately advantaged political class and the state apparatuses. Similarly, in addition to its impressive internet presence of old, there are indications that the Muslim Brotherhood is getting very adept in harnessing the networking potential of the new media to mobilise its own supporters.

Without underestimating the older, infotainment-oriented media, it is clear that political mobilization and the expression of social diversity in Egypt, is conducted and will be so, in public spaces partly shaped by the new media.

New Open Society Foundation (OSF) and University of Westminster fee waiver scheme for Home/EU/International MA in Diversity and the Media students

We are pleased to announce the creation  of a new fee waiver scheme for Home/EU/International MA in Diversity and the Media students starting in September 2012. These are funded by the Open Society Foundation (OSF) and the Department of Journalism and Mass Communications/University of Westminster.

Students will need to be able to fund their own living costs.  

The deadline for scholarship applications is 31^st May 2012 and, in order to be eligible, applicants should be holding the offer of a place on the course before applying for the scholarships.

Amount:       50-100% fee waivers for Overseas and Home/EU students

Eligibility:     You must hold an offer for the full-time MA in Diversity and the Media.

Criteria:         Academic and/or professional excellence and promise and financial need as outlined in the applicants’ scholarship applications.

Deadline:      31 May 2012

A number of fee waivers funded by the Open Society Foundation (London Office) and the Department of Journalism, Media and Communication are available. These cover 50% or the full cost (100%) of home/EU or overseas tuition fees for the MA in Diversity and the Media of the University of Westminster starting in September 2012.

Students will need to be able to meet their living costs and the amount of tuition fees not covered by the award (where applicable).

The deadline for scholarship applications is 31 May 2012. In order to be eligible, before applying for the scholarships applicants should be already holding an offer of a place on the course.

Fee Waiver Scholarships for MA in Diversity and the Media students

We are pleased to announce the creation  of three new scholarships for Egyptian students. These are funded by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) and are full fee waivers for the MA in Diversity and the Media starting in September 2012.

Students will need to be able to fund their own living costs.  

The deadline for applications is 31^st May 2012 and, in order to be eligible, applicants should be holding the offer of a place on the course before applying for the scholarships.

The criteria will be academic excellence and the case they make in their scholarship application. For further information and the method of applying for the course  please contact the course director Dr Roza Tsagarousianou

Anders Behring Breivik had no legitimate grievance

Politicians should not use the Norway attacks to drag the idea of multicultural failure into mainstream acceptability

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• Gavan Titley and Alana Lentin
• guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 26 July 2011 09.00 BST
• Article history

Anders Behring Breivik's victims are remembered at a makeshift memorial outside the Domkirken church in Oslo. Photograph: Jonathan Nackstrand/AFP/Getty Images

Despite the fact that Anders Behring Breivik was not permitted to publicly justify his actions in public on Monday, a scrambling defence of his repertoire of prejudice is already in full swing. Writing in the Wall Street Journal, Bruce Bawer, who is quoted by Breivik in his manifesto 2083: A European Declaration of Independence, emphasises his repeated warnings that a rightwing extremist may use violence to address "legitimate concerns about genuine problems". Bawer blames mainstream politics for failing to address the corrosion of Europe by Islamicisation and multiculturalism, meanwhile The Jerusalem Postcautions that "Oslo's devastating tragedy should not be allowed to be manipulated by those who would cover up the abject failure of multiculturalism".

Racism is often justified as an aberrant reaction to understandable provocation; the focus on "multiculturalism" in the aftermath of the Oslo tragedy draws attention to contemporary racism's most elastic alibi. The "failure of multiculturalism" is an article of faith in European politics and, like all acts of faith, it depends on the acceptance of an underlying mystery. Despite the denunciations of this "failed experiment", there has never been a time in Europe where multiculturalism was the dominant ideology. As Ralph Grillo has argued, state practices, in the few countries that have adopted them, are characterised by a "weak" patchwork of policy initiatives and aspirational rhetoric. Yet critics have consistently assumed the damaging existence of a coherent "strong" form, which is always "unbridled".

Multiculturalism has historically been accompanied by accusations of "reverse racism" and "unfairness to whites". Since 9/11, politicians and commentators have held it responsible for an extraordinary range of social and political problems. The overwhelming power attributed to this semi-fictional project, and the fact that it is often critcised in countries with small immigrant populations, with no real history of multiculturalism in practice, should give pause for thought.

It is widely recognised that racism underwent a change in the post-war period, shifting from being an ideology of racial hierarchy to one of "natural" cultural incompatability. The so-called "new racism" of far-right parties during the 1980s and 1990s ingested the language and logic of multiculturalism, and portrayed ordinary – white – people as victims of an elite imposition, hypocritically denied their "right to culture". These ideas are pressed into service in the emerging defence of Breivik's political despair. In extreme versions, multiculturalism is regarded as self-hatred, in more nuanced attacks as a laudable experiment that foundered on the rocks of their difference and "our" naive generosity. Both versions portray "multiculturalists" and "immigrants" as an internal threat to a given national culture, and an otherwise pristine state of social cohesion.

The vision of multiculturalism as a conspiratorial alliance between varieties of leftists and "Islamists" is a staple of the Islamophobic blogosphere. In his analysis of Breivik's document, Doug Sanders points to the influence of "Eurabian" writers such as Bawer, Mark Steyn, Melanie Phillips and Robert Spencer in agitating for a millenarian vision of a civilisation under attack. This début-de-siècle genre mirrors the fin-de-siècle European obsession with decadence and moral decay, the difference being that it is now Muslims, rather than Jews, that threaten to devour their tolerant hosts.

What makes the narrative of multicultural failure toxic, however, is its mainstream acceptability. There is no cordon sanitaire between the out-and-out Islamophobes and the political mainstream, and the past decade has proved that the traffic of ideas goes both ways. The myth of excessive generosity allows for tighter migration regimes, compulsory integration projects and neo-nationalist politics to be presented as nothing more than rehabilitation.

Recent recitations of the comforting narrative by the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, and Britain's prime minister, David Cameron, garnered significant publicity. More attention needs to be paid to the mainstream racism it has given legitimacy to elsewhere in Europe. The former Dutch immigration minister Rita Verdonk proposed a system of "integration badges" for immigrants. The former Danish prime minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen declared a "battle of culture" against multiculturalism and Islam, and his culture minister, Brian Mikkelsen, explicitly targeted a "medieval Muslim culture" in Denmark. Päivi Räsänen, the new Finnish interior minister, proposed prioritising Christian refugees in the interests of cohesion and to "prevent discrimination". While these examples are drawn from contexts now associated with far-right electoral successes, they illustrate how the alibi of an "utterly failed" multiculturalism has provided political capital to centrists and liberals for quite some time.

The political class should reflect before responding to the tragedy in Norway, particularly when "austerity" politics may make the scapegoating of immigrant-descended and Muslim groups worse. No easy connections can be made between the recorded thoughts of a killer and the complex circulation of political ideas. However, writers who have consistently warned of the need to defend an ailing civilisation have questions to answer when a massacre is explicitly justified in their terms. And mainstream politicians, content to lazily peddle an exaggerated story of multicultural excess and Muslim difference are not exempt from this criticism.

Call for papers - Media Diversity in Theory and Practice

CALL FOR PAPERS

Day Symposium: 

Media Diversity in Theory and Practice 
Thursday February 2, 2012 
Dublin City University
Deadline for abstracts: September 15, 2011

The International Media, Interculturalism and Migration research cluster at DCU, together with the Journalism and Society working group, invites papers for a one-day symposium in February 2012. We are especially interested to hear from those with expertise in the areas of media diversity training and journalism education.

The symposium has two aims: firstly, to critically assess scholarly research to-date on diversity in the media, especially with regard to the experiences of individuals of migrant origin working in mainstream media organisations. Secondly, to examine if and to what extent diversity goals have been written into the recruitment and training policies and codes of ethics of mainstream media organisations. The symposium will conclude with a roundtable discussion involving academic researchers and industry professionals.

This symposium forms part of DCU’s involvement in the MEDIVA project, which seeks to strengthen the capacity of media to reflect the increasing diversity of European societies and to foster better understandings of immigrant integration. For those interested to learn more about the project please visit http://www.eui.eu/Projects/MEDIVA/Home.aspx

Please send 250 word abstract with a short biographical note to neil.oboyle@dcu.ie