Saudi Blues ... or Reggae

The past few days have seen a flurry of activity in Saudi Arabia against the ban on women drivers. A number of protests, some unreported, some high profile have sent a powerful message to the ruling elite. 

The protests are a symptom of the contradictions of Saudi society, partly the product of the policies of the ruling elite who, in order to protect their hold to power in an increasingly diverse society, have invested in a dual strategy consisting in courting the ultra-conservative religious establishment (and the notorious Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice also known as the religious police) and facilitating the expansion of middle class consumerism (described so vividly by Rajaa Alsanea in her Banat al-Riyadh (Girls of Riyadh) novel. Tensions have surfaced on a number of occasions from unrest in many provincial cities against corruption to the various forms of activism on women's rights. Media activism constitutes one of the fields in which contentious politics find expression in the troubled Kingdom. Protesters devise creative and innovative ways in expressing grievances and criticism towards the regime.  

Below activist and artist Hisham Fageeh's take on the ongoing driving ban for women in Saudi Arabia.

Britain's niqab debate: Channel 4

The debate about the face veil is not a novel one. Muslim notions of modesty, have often been subverted and colonized by patriarchal practices seeking to restrict women's autonomy. As such, the veil issue has mobilized social forces inspired by liberalism and western feminism and generated valuable criticisms of patriarchy in Muslim communities. On the other hand, Muslim women in Europe (but also in parts of the Middle East, North Africa and Asia where secularist forces have been able to inform or determine state policy) who choose or are forced to cover their bodies and faces are often subjected to state regulation and disciplining. Focusing on Europe, it is undeniable that the 'out of place' look of veiled women in public spaces all over the continent has provided fertile ground for the transformation of the veil issue into a potent mobilizing symbol for xenophobic, right wing forces only too happy to jump into the bandwagon of the secular, liberal and feminist opposition to the veil and, often, to incorporate these discourses into their own arguments. 

We have discussed here how the dignity of Muslim women has, predictably, become the rallying point of the European Right as it provides a respectable vehicle through which it can deploy its xenophobic discourse. Shockingly this obsession with the way Muslim women dress has not been confined to Europe's populist Right; it has been taken up by forces of the broader Left which have been at the forefront of struggles for human, political and social rights. In the burqa ban vote at the French National Assembly not one single voice was raised to doubt, let alone protest at, the institutionalization of the violation of several fundamental rights of Muslim women through the regulation of how they can dress in public.

A veiled woman next to the minarets
both potent symbols of the 'islamization'
of Switzerland in the recent minaret referendum 

As we have argued 

in the UK the niqab, has been posited in public discourse as the visible symbol of the perceived lack of integration of the Muslim community into British society and has therefore been associated with the whole debate over the perceived failures of multiculturalism as Jack Straw’s (who was at the time leader of the House of Commons) 6 October 2006 column in the Lancashire Telegraph indicated when he described the veil as "such a visible statement of separation and of difference". 

In most interventions of this sort, proponents of the ban use arguments that identify in the veil patriarchal oppressive practices that are detrimental to the dignity of Muslim women, or safety and security problems or, finally, barriers to intercultural communication and social cohesion. Without disputing that there are Muslim women who are coerced into, or feel they have no choice but to cover up, I believe that it is arrogant and dangerous to assume or suggest that the face veil is taken up by Muslim women in Europe just because of social pressure from within their communities or as a result of more material forms of coercion (French legislation for example has inbuilt in it a 'cherchez l'homme' clause as it provides for enormous fines for the men who force women to cover).

What is remarkable however, and should be noted, is that this debate is also one conducted over the absence of the women in question, as it largely leaves the affected women in a position of aporia, voiceless and powerless in the midst of a cacophony of opinions offered by western politicians, human rights activists and feminists on the one hand, and Muslim community leaders on the other: veiled women constitute the battlefield between abstract discourses of emancipation and discourses of cultural autonomy that emphasize the lack of competence of the part of liberals and feminists to criticize an essentially reified 'muslim' culture and tradition. It is true, that behind the veil one can find women that are isolated, lonely, abused and oppressed. In such cases, the veil can dissimulate suffering and silence cries for help. In such cases we need to devise ways of listening, of intervening and of empowering. On the other hand, considering the veil simply as a means and symbol of oppression may be misguided as it decouples it from its social-historical context. In the course of our research we have encountered numerous young women who experiment with covering their hair or face who have stressed in very articulate ways that this was a matter of choice and not coercion. Women have mentioned numerous reasons for covering or veiling themselves: affirming their identities as young Muslims, protesting against assimilationist ideologies and practices, expressing their religiosity and protecting themselves from the objectification of the male predatory gaze.

Before resorting to the platitudes that are rehearsed time and again in order to bring about a blanket ban on the niqab, it is worth considering the voices of women who stress the right to choose as the primary reason for wearing it. The Channel 4 debate goes some way towards this direction as guests in the debate include advocates of banning the veil (Douglas Murray), moderates who try to argue that the veil is not universally accepted among Muslims (Yasmin Alibhai-Brown) and veiled women (Fatima Barkatullah, Sahar Al-Faifi, Shalina Litt). Having watched the debate, we were left with the feeling that the debate format, however useful, may make a disservice to the complexity of the issue. The binary logic that permeates the discussion has helped reify two opposing positions advocated by selected guests who have the necessary symbolic capital to frame the debate along these lines. As one of our Muslim friends has suggested, after watching the debate she was left with mixing feelings. She felt that ordinary Muslim women who do not quite fit into the 'boxes' the debate participants had constructed were left voiceless.

We will soon start to address this issue ...

United we stand

The Union of Jewish Students of France is suing the editor of Valeurs Actuelles for inciting racist hatred. Le Monde says 'Shocked by the hateful cover of the weekly Valeurs Actuelles' the Union of Jewish Students of France (UEJF) announced on Wednesday 25 September its intention to sue Yves de Kerdrel, director of the publication for inciting racist hatred.


The cover of the weekly that appeared on 26 September featured the picture of a Marianne (symbolising the French Republic) wearing a face veil next to the alarmist title 'The naturalised: The invasion they hide'. The title utilises a common spatial metaphor that gives the abstract phenomenon of migration - an essentially unplanned and decentered process characterised by disjuncture - the characteristics of an intentional, planned and, at the end of the day, malicious effort to undermine the sovereignty of
the French Republic (see also Sofos and Tsagarousianou, Islam in Europe, chapter 1).

Although the articles are primarily Islamophobic, the Union of Jewish Students of France considered that islamophobia, antisemitism and, more generally, racism are not that distinct ideologies and practices and therefore decided to move against the journal. 

Graduating Students Claim MA Diversity and the Media Broadens Their World

Originally published in http://www.media-diversity.org

Students who attended the course this year are still savouring and digesting all the thought-provoking knowledge they were nourished with. They come from different countries, speak different languages, they have different cultural backgrounds and make plans for different careers. Yet, they share the same impressions about the MA in Diversity and the Media at the University of Westminster. They claim the course has widened their horizons. “I used to consider myself an open-minded person, but I realised I wasn’t,” says Betina de Tella, 26-year-old student from Brazil. Khaled Abdalla, from Egypt, is of the same opinion: “This master changed my view about everything happening around me. I now pay attention to things I never thought about before.”
The MA Diversity and the Media, designed and developed in collaboration with the Media Diversity Institute in 2010, is a highly innovative course. It is designed to attract not only media graduates, but also “people who have already worked in journalism, but want to enhance their skills in the area of inclusive journalism,” the course guideline says. When asked if she would recommend it, Thaila Moreira, from Brazil, has no doubts: “I always tell my friends they’re missing a huge part of the world, because the world is not just surface. The approach you are taught during lectures helps you to see different issues you couldn’t normally see,” she continues. Learn how to be a good journalist But what is it that makes this MA studies at Westminster University unique? Ivana Jelača, 25-year-old student from Serbia, has the answer: “Most of the media courses teach you how to sell the story. The MA Diversity and the Media provides you with skills and critical abilities that can make a difference,” says Jelača. The Diversity and the Media course encourages student journalists to look at, reflect, and report on the society they live in. At the end of the year, they have developed a critical understanding of the role of mass media in the social construction, representation and understanding of difference and social diversity. Shazwan M. Kamal, a student who has worked in Malaysia as a reporter, explains: “There is not enough understanding in the media about diversity. Journalists should think about repercussions, but they don’t.” Theoretical engagement is not the only focus of the Master. Theories are combined with practice-oriented modules intended to give first-hand experience in the practice of inclusive journalism. “We learned how sociology can help you understand the media,” explains Lin Zhao, a young student from China, “but it is a practical learning at the same time”. As the website course overview explains, through the practical training students are equipped to enter employment in various areas of the media, or communication with governments and NGOs focusing on immigration, equality, and social inclusion. Hebatallah Katoon, 25, came to attend this course from Egypt, where she works as a university teacher. Having produced a documentary on the life of dwarves in Egypt and being involved in charity projects with disabled people, she is not the kind of person you would consider to be unaware of the importance of diversity.  Yet, her studies at Westminster were useful for her, too. “This course gave me the tools to deal with today’s challenges,” she says. “I now know how to make my students appreciate diversity”. Still, books and lectures are not the only way students have learnt to appreciate diversity as a value. One of the distinctive features of the course is the diverse cultural backgrounds of students. “Having classmates coming from all over the world has definitely enriched my experience,” comments Betina de Tella. “We have had great debates.” In addition, London itself offers them the opportunity to be part of a society where a multitude of different ethnic groups live together. In a few months students will be flying back to their home countries where they will apply in both profession and life what they learned throughout the academic year. A lot of work is waiting for them, but they are ready to respond to the challenges.

I would like to take this opportunity to get in touch with you and to update you on a number of exciting developments in the MA in Diversity and the Media programme. 

We, at the University of Westminster, together with our partner, the Media Diversity Institute, a leading NGO working to encourage the practice of inclusive journalism have been working hard to provide our students a unique and rewarding learning experience for 2013/14.

Our highly innovative course will give students the opportunity to study and research the main ways in which social scientists analyze the role of the mass media in the social construction, representation and understanding of difference and social diversity and get a critical understanding of the social and media structures and journalistic practices that impact upon these processes.

The course combines a portfolio of theory modules aimed to develop knowledge and critical understanding of the processes of managing and making sense of cultural diversity, key issues in intercultural communication and of various aspects of the sociology of news with a number of practice-oriented modules intended to give students first hand experience in the practice of inclusive journalism.

We have been preparing a programme of exciting visits to various institutions relevant to the course and a host of guest talks from expert academics and practitioners to complement lectures and seminars. In addition to the programme of studies, we work hard to ensure that students are offered opportunities to gain valuable experience with media and NGOs whose work is relevant to their programme of studies and enhances their employability after graduation. 

We have therefore established partnerships with TAG International Development, a not for profit organization specializing in communication and development projects in a number of African and Asian countries, the UK-based Prisma/The Multicultural Newspaper, MediaWise, a media project developing public awareness and sensitivity towards disability and discrimination, and Pearson Media Internships which offer paid or unpaid internships that give students the opportunity to work in the UK or overseas or to contribute to the production of media content. In addition, students are encouraged to contribute to the Media Diversity Institute Blog and other similar outlets to showcase their projects or cover a particular issue they are interested in.

You can check the Media Diversity Institute website for more information on their involvement in the programme here.

In the past our students have gained invaluable experience by participating in the Pearson Diversity Summer Internship Programme and other similar schemes and we intend to extend even more opportunities in the coming year. We place particular importance to such opportunities as these help students to build upon their academic and practical work and further develop the skills that will enable them to embark on their chosen careers.

Finally, the Open Society Foundation, the University of Westminster and the Swedish International Development Agency in conjunction with the MDI are offering a limited number of dedicated scholarships and fee waivers for MA in Diversity and the Media students only. Although these represent limited opportunities, I would ask you to have a look at them or pass the information on to anybody who might be interested. For more details, please check 

• for general information 
• our Open Society Foundation scholarships 
• MDI/SIDA scholarship for Egyptian students (please notice we are hoping to enhance the current scholarship by adding free accommodation to the fee waiver we are currently offering - subject to confirmation).

For those interested in applying for the course, please follow this link. If you have any questions please get in touch and we will be happy to

Words of Women from the Egyptian Revolution

I felt it was important to dedicate a note to the Words of Women from the Egyptian Revolution project which sheds light on, and documents the participation of women in the Egyptian revolution. Although the Egyptian middle class is over-represented in the women interviewed, the sheer diversity of outlooks, lifestyles and pathways to taking part in the protests and the movement that surrounds them reveals the complexity of the social dynamics in Egypt today. And, more importantly, the voices of the women interviewed are voices of determination, courage, steadfastness and resilience, yet, at the same time, they are voices of ordinary people, simple, devoid of bravado and pretense. This is a worthy project that explores the encounter of the mundane and the trivial with the heroic, that injects the experiences of ordinary women in a male-dominated collective memory. And although  the enunciators are women, their testimonies capture the plebeian, vernacular character of the protests that shook Egypt and whose ripples reached other Arab societies and even neighbouring Israel regardless the gender of the participants.

Each short video is effectively a "profile" of each woman: her life/work before the revolution, her participation in the revolution and where she and her work stand today. The project as a whole, as well as its individual components provides a valuable insight to the experiences of women from diverse backgrounds and constitutes a rare resource for those interested in the recent and ongoing protests in the Arab world and, of course, the participation of women in them.

All videos are in Arabic with English and Spanish subtitles (if one clicks the subtitle button). 

  follow the project watch the videos 

Social Diversity and the Arab Spring: Egypt a year after

Reflecting about the passing of a year since Egypt’s popular uprising that eventually led to the end of the rule of the Mubarak political dynasty one can read signs that are typical of the trajectory of the Arab Spring throughout the Middle East and North Africa. It is commonplace to say that the loosening of Mubarak’s hold to power has been largely symbolic as the military and several forces inextricably linked to the ancien régime continue to dominate the political system of the country. True, voices that had only no or limited political expression before January 2011 have been propelled to the political arena: The Muslim Brotherhood is gently flexing its newly found political muscles as is the new Salafist Party. Other secular and liberal forces have also found expression in a polyphonic and complex political arena.

However, the expression of the considerable social and cultural diversity of this complex society has brought with it numerous challenges. The Islamic political forces are treading carefully when it comes to issues such as women’s rights but, still, have often articulated their social conservatism within a discourse of women’s rights. “Empowering” women in this context is often construed by party cadres and activists as “liberating” women from “alien” habits and compulsions. This is becoming visible in the domestic sphere as recent debates on female circumcision indicate.

Another area that has been affected by the transition relates to the relations between Egypt’s majority Sunni Muslim community and its sizeable Coptic Christian minority. Already in the early days of the uprising, the regime saw in intercommunal conflict  a potent destabilizing factor. Although many commentators hurried to dismiss the tensions, the fact remains that the coexistence between the two communities has always been premised on fine and precarious balancing. As new social and political forces will strive for popular support they are likely to turn “difference” into “antagonism” and diversity into threat.     

Another challenge that will increasingly need addressing is the urgent need to integrate an increasingly vocipherous younger generation into the political system and the economic fabric of the country. Affected by both disenfranchisement and chronic unemployment, Egypt’s youth has been at the forefront of the country’s incomplete political transition and has invested a lot in change, a transformation of Egyptian society that has yet to come. From the barricades and the demonstrations to the realm of the social media, this highly diverse demographic group is increasingly gaining a voice and expressing its frustration. What is also interesting is that the visions of a new Egypt and the voice of this new generation of citizens have been largely articulated and taken shape through the use of the new media.

Despite socioeconomic disparities young people of diverse backgrounds have proved literate in the use of new media: the majority resorted to cellular phones while many used very effectively social media such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, blogs against a disproportionately advantaged political class and the state apparatuses. Similarly, in addition to its impressive internet presence of old, there are indications that the Muslim Brotherhood is getting very adept in harnessing the networking potential of the new media to mobilise its own supporters.

Without underestimating the older, infotainment-oriented media, it is clear that political mobilization and the expression of social diversity in Egypt, is conducted and will be so, in public spaces partly shaped by the new media.